Friday, June 14, 2019

Freedom of Press


Freedom of Press

R Srinivasan

Two centuries ago, Thomas Jefferson said “If a nation expects to be ignorant & free, in a state of civilisation, it expects what never was & never will be. The functionaries of every government have propensities to command at will the liberty & property of their constituents. There is no safe deposit for these but with the people themselves; nor can they be safe with them without information. Where the press is free and every man able to read, all is safe[1].”

Freedom of the Press is a pillar that holds the citadel of democracy aloft. Together with a fair judiciary, democracy in a country can survive when these two pillars hold its platform. The noble ideals of freedom of expression are enshrined in Article 19 (1) of the Indian Constitution. While Art 19 (1) does not specifically refer to freedom of press, it enjoins freedom of speech and expression. In his debate while tabling the draft constitution in the Indian parliament, Dr BR Ambedkar is stated to have said that under this Article, an individual or citizen or the press enjoys this freedom; therefore a separate provision for the press is not necessary. While adjudicating two of the hallmark cases[2] on press freedom, the Supreme Court of India in 1950, held that “Freedom of speech and of the press lay at the foundation of all democratic organization, for without free political discussion no public education, so essential for the proper functioning of the process of popular government, is possible”.
Studying over 200 countries to construct a methodology to evaluate good governance (Worldwide Governance Indicators-WGI), Koffman & Kray[3] came out with six parameters. The first among them was Voice and Accountability, including a free media. World Bank since 1999, has been using the six indicators developed by Koffman & Kray to assess a country’s eligibility for development assistance.

Beginning with the philosophy expounded by Thomas Jefferson to the economic indicators developed by World Bank, it is evident that freedom of the press is an implicit requirement for a democracy to remain a democracy and also to obtain the end-purpose of a democratic system – development of a healthy political society.

Seen from these perspectives, the editorial in Indian Express today (13 June 2019) draw attention to the necessity for any democracy to evaluate the approach of its institutions towards the press. Even USA, although the oldest democracy in the world, has been accused of journalistic restrictions. Elsewhere, as in Egypt where for two years Al Jazeera[4] has mobilized public opinion against the imprisonment of its correspondent. Former communist bloc countries in any case never enjoyed any good word on journalistic freedoms. In the report of the Reporters without Borders for 2018, Norway ranks as 1st, UK 40th, USA 45th, Japan 67th, France 33rd, India ranks 138th and China 176th, out of 180 countries[5]. While such surveys may not be the final determinants of freedom of press, they certainly indicate the long way that we need to go before people can actually consider themselves free – from fear of expression.

Is journalistic freedom without limits? Bernard Shaw famously said, “Liberty means responsibility. That is why most men dread it”. United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is considered to be the mother document of all freedoms in international parlance. Eleanor Roosevelt, the First Lady of United States when FDR was the president, is considered the foremost inspirations behind UDHR. She made an eloquent statement about freedom when she said: “Freedom makes a huge requirement of every human being. With freedom comes responsibility. For the person who is unwilling to grow up, the person who does not want to carry his own weight, this is a frightening prospect”. It is evident from these statements that freedom of the press also comes with a responsibility – the responsibility towards the society. The Supreme Court of India, while delivering its judgment on Harijai Singh & Anr vs In Re: Vijay Kumar on 17 September, 1996, made an important statement. It said, “The freedom of Press is regarded as ‘the mother of all other liberties' in a democratic society. Further, the importance and the necessity of having a free press in a democratic Construction like ours was immensely stressed in several landmark judgments of this Court. The case of Indian Express Newspaper v. Union of India[6], is one of such judgments rendered by Venkataramiah, J. (as he then was). Again in another case of Indian Express Newspaper v. Union of India[7]. A.P. Sen J. (as he then was) described the right to freedom of the press as a pillar of individual liberty which has been unfailingly guarded by the Courts”. Having upheld the freedom of the press as fundamental to democracy, the Supreme Court in Y.V. Hanumantha Rao v. K.R. Pattabhiram and Anr[8], debated trial by media. Commenting on the limits to freedom of press, it observed:

“ …… When litigation is pending before a Court, no one shall comment on it in such a way there is a real and substantial danger of prejudice to the trial of the action, as for instance by influence on the Judge, the witnesses or by prejudicing mankind in general against a party to the cause. Even if the person making the comment honestly believes it to be true, still it is a contempt of Court if he prejudices the truth before it is ascertained in the proceedings. To this general rule of fair trial one may add a further rule and that is that none shall, by misrepresentation or otherwise, bring unfair pressure to bear on one of the parties to a cause so as to force him to drop his complaint or defence. It is always regarded as of the first importance that the law which we have just stated should be maintained in its full integrity. But in so stating the law we must bear in mind that there must appear to be ‘a real and substantial danger of prejudice.”

It is evident that the stated legal position and the intellectual disposition is clear: Freedom of Press comes with conditions that aim to strengthen citizens’ right to information. At the same time, the reporting by the press should adhere to moral and ethical standards that do not in any manner adversely affect the moral, social and political health of the society. The Ethical Journalism Network[9] summarizes the responsibilities of the press into five principles: Truth & Accuracy, Independence, Fairness & Impartiality, Humanity and, Accountability. Simple as they may sound, these five principles are the essence and will remain the foundations of Freedom of Press.



[1] The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Retirement Series, Volume 9: 1 September 1815 to 30 April 1816

[2] Romesh Thaper vs State of Madras, A.I.R. 1950 SC 124; Brij Bhushan vs State of Delhi, A.I.R. 1950 SC 129; 1950 SCR 605.
[6] 1985(1) SCR 641
[7] AIR 1986 SC 872
[8] AIR1975 AP 30

Wednesday, June 12, 2019

BIMSTEC - A New Vision for South and Southeast Asia

In June 1997, six countries across South and Southeast Asia came together to form a new cooperative framework based on their mutual interests. The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) aimed at cooperation between India, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Nepal and Bhutan. BIMSTEC aims to address 14 areas in which cooperation among these countries could help them address common concerns:

  1. Trade & Investment
  2. Transport & Communication
  3. Energy
  4. Tourism
  5. Technology
  6. Fisheries
  7. Agriculture
  8. Public Health
  9. Poverty Alleviation
  10. Counter-Terrorism & Transnational Crime
  11. Environment & Disaster Management
  12. People-to-People Contact
  13. Cultural Cooperation
  14. Climate Change
After having witnessed South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) flounder in its course, primarily due to the demonstrated positions of India and Pakistan on terrorism, BIMSTEC brought in a new chapter in inter and extra regional cooperation in South Asia. Extending its reach to Myanmar and Thailand who are members of ASEAN, it also laid the path to out-of-the-region cooperation into the East. Academic scholarship has attributed this outreach as part of India's Look & Act East Policies that have been making (however haltingly!) to expand India's sphere of influence in the underbelly of Chinese dragon. In the second tenure of NDA government which commenced after the decisive mandate given to BJP in the recent Indian elections, BIMSTEC appears poised for emerging into a major intra-regional alliance. Shri Narendra Modi's government extended an invite to BIMSTEC leaders to attend his swearing-in ceremony on 30 may 2019. The high profile attendance minus Pakistan in the ceremony yet again demonstrated India's commitment to expand BIMSTEC framework while sending a clear message that countries supporting terrorism are no more considered an albatross around India's neck. This renewed message merits a re-look at the positives and negatives of BIMSTEC.

The positives

BIMSTEC connects the robust Indian economy and emerging Bangladesh economy to the vibrant markets of ASEAN. Although only two of ASEAN's members are in BIMSTEC (Myanmar joined a month after it joined BIMSTEC, in July 1997), India's existing framework relations with Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Malaysia gets a boost as part of this new framework. The land locked Bhutan and Nepal, which otherwise suffering the unspoken-yet-real impact of Indo-Pak relations on SAARC platform now have a prospective domain to work on their cooperative agendas.

Each of the areas of cooperation that BIMSTEC has taken up have huge domestic implications for the member states. For example, the 1400 km long India-Myanmar-Thailand highway which India's Transport minister Shri Gadkari said will be complete by December 2019[1], will speed up developmental activities all along the route providing fillip to local livelihoods[2].

Each member state, barring Bhutan and Nepal, have substantial populations dependent on the sea. While over-fishing and trawling are threatening to endanger fishing in many parts of the world, a framework cooperation between BIMSTEC members could further sustainable use of the sea for improving livelihoods of fishing communities. Towards this purpose, BIMSTEC must step forward to create institutional frameworks for realizing its agenda set in its Fourth Summit at Kathmandu[3], which stated: “Stress on continued cooperation in conservation, management and sustainable use of marine resources in the region; agree to deepen cooperation in fisheries to ensure food security and improve livelihoods of people in our region and task the relevant national agencies to explore the possibility of meaningful collaboration to promote sustainable marine fisheries and direct the relevant authorities to explore how the landlocked Member States can benefit from inland fisheries”.

Myanmar has attracted considerable interest from China apparently for the as-yet-unexploited energy sources. A framework cooperation among BIMSTEC members with substantial financial assistance could ensure that the growing energy need among the member states take priority, thus providing much needed energy supplies in the future. Being vested with unlimited natural sources like sunlight, sea and wind, developing mutually beneficial agenda for tech-financial cooperation for exploitation of these sources could change livelihoods to even remotely located populations in these countries.

These are but few of the positives of BIMSTEC. On the other hand, there are some limiting factors that need to be worked together to strengthen BIMSTEC.

The Negatives

India-Bangladesh and India-Sri Lanka have a number of issues concerning sharing of river waters and the Gulf of Mannar for fishing. Unless these issues are visited by high power committees with a time bound plan for resolving them, the possibility of BIMSTEC being diluted remains.

Unlike India that has demonstrated the strength and vibrancy of its democracy (strong institutional framework), some members of BIMSTEC are not so stable. India must take the lead to extend its support for strengthening democracies in member countries. This would have two-fold benefits. India’s own institutional framework would get strengthened and the democratic stability in the neighborhood would strengthen cooperation.

Notwithstanding the merits of mega-development plans like road networks, port development, construction of hydro projects, etc, it is important to remember that large populations depend on the tracts of forests and hills that need to be acquired for developmental work in these countries. Sustainable development should therefore be the key mantra. Apart from philosophical niceties concerning poor segments of populations, no development can achieve its purpose unless it is inclusive.

There is also a need to revisit the traditional concepts of sovereignty that countries in South Asia have. The sense of self-interest with which countries tend to visit agendas for cooperation should be tempered with pragmatic considerations.

Conclusion

BIMSTEC is a unique alliance focused on sectors that have huge potential for cooperation among member countries. Unlike SAARC which has nobler ideals (promoting peace, stability, amity and progress in the region through strict adherence to the principles of the UN Charter and Non-Alignment, respect for the   principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, national independence, non-use of force and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and peaceful settlement of all disputes, for example), BIMSTEC has an earthy flavor. Being concerned with areas that could help the members address issues common across their territories, it has the potential to become an alliance that could actually touch millions of lives. The techno-economic agenda needs to be driven by political leaders in these countries drawing upon the advice from experts in concerned fields, entirely in a sustainable mould. That way, BIMSTEC could help ordinary citizens in these countries to realize their dreams for sustainable livelihoods.

Tuesday, June 4, 2019

New e-Journal launch: Electronic Journal of Social & Strategic Studies


Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies (EJSSS) is an Open Access refereed journal of multi-disciplinary research in all fields of knowledge related to Social Studies and Strategic Studies.  It aims to provide a platform for academicians and research scholars to publish their work through original research papers, book reviews, case studies and scholarly opinions, in the public domain. The journal specifically encourages research papers that represent important advances in these fields that could contribute to expanding knowledge horizons. Areas of interest for EJSSS are:.

  • Defense and Strategic Studies
  • Economics
  • Geography (including Human Geography)
  • History
  • Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law & Practice
  • International Relations
  • Political Science
  • Psychology (Clinical Psychology, etc, pertaining to national security/sociology) 
  • Public Administration
  • Social Work
  • Sociology
  • Book Reviews in relevant disciplines

The process to obtain ISSN is in queue soon after the first Volume is published. We are committed to maintain high standards of publishing so as to apply for indexing (ICI, SSCI, DOAJ, Crossref,  and Google Scholar, among others) in due course.

This initiative is supported by accomplished academics in the areas of interest for EJSSS, both in India and abroad. The Editorial Board has an international character accordingly. While we work on this platform (we expect to issue forth our first Volume in September-October 2019), queries related to publishing through EJSSS can be addressed to submission.ejss@gmail.com

Till our website is launched, Abstracts can be mailed to submission.ejss@gmail.com for evaluating the suitability anytime. The last date for submitting full papers would be 15 July 2019 so that we get time for Peer Review. Book Reviews can be submitted (600-1500 words) by 31 July 2019.


All contributions should be in MS Word (2003/2007/later), Times New Roman, Font 12, 1.5 spacing with normal 1" margins on A4 size paper. Citation style APA 6th Edition. All titles to be in BOLD.

EJSSS will be published only online at its website. Contributing Authors will receive PDF versions of their papers and a Certificate of Contribution, once their paper is accepted and published.

We do hope to be online soon with detailed instructions for Editors/Peer Reviewers/Authors together with facilities for online submission. Your comments are welcome to promote and maintain highest standards in academic publishing.

Have a great Day.

Managing Editor

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